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日本語の長距離格付与と方言差

浦 啓之(関西学院大学)

「長距離の例外的格付与(LD-ECM)」とは、構造的に介在する名詞句や定形節の境界を通り越して主節動詞が埋め込み文内の名詞句に対して格付与を行っている構文であるが、本論はまず、A方言と名づけた関西方言のうちのある地方語でこの構文が観察されるということを様々な観察的事実より示した。これを受けて2つの問題が浮上する。(I)何故、LD-ECMはA方言でのみ可能であり、標準日本語や他の関西方言では不可能であるのか? (II) A方言のLD-ECM文では、どのようなメカニズムによってPhase Impenetrability Condition (PIC)やDefective Intervention Condition (DIC)が回避され得る状況が起こっているのか?これらを説明するために次の2つの要請がなされた:「A方言の補文標識の特異性によって、それに導かれた定形節がstrong phaseにならないこと」・「DICの定義にCollins and Ura (2001)で提案されているAccessibilityの概念を導入すること」そして、これらの要請に従えば、上記の2点の相互に関係した問題点が現行のPhase/Agree-理論の枠組みで同時に解決可能であることが示された。

チノ語の疑問文末に現れる3つの助詞について

林 範彦 (日本学術振興会特別研究員)

本稿は中国雲南省で話されるチノ語悠楽方言(チベット・ビルマ語派ロロ・ビルマ語支) の疑問文末に生起する3 つの助詞-la42, -ȵa42, -a44 の振る舞いについて論じた.多くのアジア諸語では真偽疑問文/ 疑問語疑問文の区別が疑問文末の助詞の振る舞いに関与する.しかし,チノ語では上記の区別に加えて,名詞述語文/ 動詞述語文といった形式的条件と焦点位置などの意味的条件が助詞の振る舞いに関与する.具体的には以下のとおりである.形式的条件としては-la42 は真偽疑問文末に,-ȵa42 は動詞述語文である真偽疑問文末と疑問語疑問文末に,-a44 は名詞述語文の疑問語疑問文末に生起しうる.また意味的条件としては主に-la42 は文全体が焦点であるときに生起するのに対し,-ȵa42 は文の一部が焦点であるときに生起する.

Negをc-統御する不定語+モ

片岡喜代子 (日本大学非常勤)

日本語で文否定要素(Neg)を必要とする不定語+モ「だれも/なにも」は,英語のNPIのany-と同様,否定とともに全称否定解釈を導くので,any-の対応物としてLFでのNegによるc-統御がその必要条件と見なされてきた. また最近のWatanabe (2004)において,イタリア語等の否定環境に現れる不定語と同様にそれ自体否定力を持った要素であるという分析も提示された. 本研究では,まず,同じくNegを要求する「シカ」句とそれら不定語+モの相互作用の現象に基づき,不定語+モは,LFでNegにc-統御されてはならないこと,また,それ自体否定力を持たないことを示し,それら先行の分析が不適切であることを示す. その上で,「シカ」句との相互作用の現象に基づいて,不定語+モを含む名詞句全体が全称量化を導く表現であり,それ故に,全称否定を導くためにはLFでNegをc-統御しなければならないことを主張する.

定量的分析に基づく「が/の」交替再考

南部智史 (神戸松蔭女子学院大学大学院生)

本論文では,「が/の」交替についてHarada(1971)で提唱された言語変化仮説の検証と,「が/の」交替に影響を与える要因の特定を定量的観点から行う.本論文で扱う要因は先行研究による分析を参考として想定し,それらの要因がどの程度「が/の」交替に影響を与えているのかを経験的に特定する.本論文で扱うデータは,国会会議録に収録されている東京都出身の国会議員76名の発話データとし,分析にはクロス表とロジスティック回帰を採用した.分析の結果,Harada(1971)の仮説通り,「が/の」交替において「の」から「が」への移行という言語変化が観察された.また,本論文で想定した12要因のうち,生年,隣接性,他動性制約,名詞句の形式差,「という」節,品詞の種類,有生性,主要部名詞,「の」先行環境,の9要因において「が/の」交替に対する影響が確認され,それらの影響度も特定された.

Long-Distance Case-Assignment in Japanese and Its Dialectal Variation

Hiroyuki Ura
(Kwansei Gakuin University)

In this paper it is demonstrated, through an empirically close scrutiny, that it should be appropriate to recognize that a certain vernacular of Kansai Japanese (what we call Dialect-A) allows a true instance of long-distance ECM (LD-ECM), in which neither the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC) effect nor the Defective Intervention Condition (DIC) effect is observable when the matrix verb assigns/values the Case of a DP within the embedded finite clause beyond another structurally intervening DP or beyond the finite clause boundary. Two theoretically significant problems are implicated in this construction: (I) Why is it that LD-ECM is allowed only in Dialect-A, whereas it is not allowed in the other dialects of Kansai Japanese or in Standard Japanese? And (II) what syntactic mechanism enables the LD-ECM construction in Dialect-A to evade the PIC and the DIC? For the sake of explanation, it is stipulated that there should be two interrelated grounds for the above problems: (A) Due to the special property of the complementizer in Dialect-A, the PIC is voided in the well-formed examples of the LD-ECM in Dialect-A; and (B) The definition of the DIC should be mildly diminished so as to incorporate Collins and Ura’s (2001) concept of Accessibility. Then, it is shown, with the aid of these stipulations, that the well-formedness of the LD-ECM in Dialect-A and its ill-formedness in Standard Japanese and in the other dialects of Kansai Japanese can be accounted for altogether in a coherent fashion under the current theory of Phase/Agree. Besides, a brief comment on the recent work concerning the phenomenon involving long-distance agreement is given at the end of the paper.

Three Interrogative Particles in Sentence-Final Positions in Jino

Norihiko Hayashi
(Research Fellow of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science)

Jino is spoken by the Jino minority living in Xishuangbanna Autonomous State, Yunnan Province, China. It belongs to the Lolo-Burmese branch of the Tibeto-Burman family. This paper describes the alternations of the Jino interrogative particles -la42, -ȵa42 and -a44. Previous works (e.g., Gai 1986) mention no such criteria. The analysis of my collected data concludes that the formal criteria and the semantic criteria interact to determine the occurrence of particles in interrogative sentences. The formal criteria for the occurrence of the particles follow:
(i) -la42 occurs in response to Yes-No questions.
(ii) -ȵa42 can follow the verbal predicate of Yes-No questions and Wh- questions.
(iii) -a44 can follow the nominal predicate of Wh- questions.
However, -Ø can follow the nominal predicate of Wh- questions whose subject is khɔ33su55 "who," and can directly follow wh- words that are not interrogative pronouns. Under these two conditions, -a44 basically cannot appear, though there are some exceptions. Furthermore, the following two semantic criteria constrain the occurrence of -la42 and -ȵa42 in the Yes-No questions:
(iv) If an inquiry concerning the entire sentence is being made, -la42 may occur.
(v) If an inquiry concerning only part of the sentence is being made, -ȵa42 may occur.

Wh-mo outside the Neg-c-command Domain

Kiyoko Kataoka
(Nihon University)

An indefinite expression such as dare-mo and nani-mo in Japanese requires the sentential negation (Neg) and gives rise to an interpretation with universal negation. In analogy to English any-, they have generally been treated as Negative Polarity Items (NPIs) and have been assumed to be in the c-command domain of Neg at LF, following Klima (1964).

Italian and Spanish have another kind of indefinites involving negation, e.g., nessuno in Italian, which is called Negative Concord Item (NCI). It has a sentential negative force, but induces a single negation even when it is 'doubled' with Neg. While the canceling of negative force is assumed to induce a single negation, it has not been specified which of the two negative forces gets canceled (Haegeman & Zanuttini (1998), among others). Recently, Watanabe (2004), assuming that dare-mo and nani-mo are NCIs, has argued that the negative force of Neg rather than that of NCI should be canceled in 'negative doubling' cases, concluding that NCIs are inherently negative, on the basis of the ellipsis data involving dare-mo/nani-mo.

In this paper I show that dare-mo/nani-mo cannot be c-commanded by Neg at LF and that they do not have a negative force, either, based on their interactions with XP-sika, another Neg-sensitive element in Japanese, and I conclude that neither the NPI-analysis nor the NCI-analysis is appropriate. I also point out problems with Watanabe's analysis of ellipsis, and argue that it cannot be maintained. Referring to dare-mo/nani-mo with or without a co-occurring case-marked N as wh-mo, and assuming that the entire phrase (e.g., gakusei-ga daremo) functions as an argument, I argue, based on how wh-mo interacts with XP-sika, that wh-mo has a universal force and therefore must c-command Neg at LF to induce universal negation.

Reconsideration of Ga/No Conversion Based on a Quantitative Analysis

Satoshi Nambu
(Graduate student, Kobe Shoin Graduate School)

The purpose of this article is first to verify the language change hypothesis of Harada (1971), but also to identify the factors which affect GNC. Taking advantage of previous research, I consider how potential factors affect GNC, and clarify the degree of their effects on GNC based on a quantitative analysis. The data used for this study comes from the Minutes of the Japanese Diet, and I use cross tabulations and logistic regression. The statistical analysis clarifies not only which factors affect GNC, but also provides values allowing a comparison of the degree of each effect. The result shows that there is an ongoing change in GNC -as hypothesized by Harada (1971)- where the use of no is decreasing in favor of ga. Finally the result shows that of 12 factors considered 9 have a statistically significant effect on GNC: birth year of Diet member, adjacency, transitivity restriction, animacy, predicate type, subject NP type, head noun, to yuu/to no clause, and no precedence environment.

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